Every day leading up to the election will be characterized by a flood of information in the media regarding the theatrical actions of the Ministry of Interior aimed at supposedly preventing or at least reducing vote buying, particularly within Roma ghettos and neighborhoods.
These efforts are intended to intimidate those involved in the illicit trade, which tends to escalate in the days before the vote.
We will repeatedly see the head of the Ministry of Interior on television, explaining the preventive measures taken by the police against vote buying and showcasing operations with a supposedly intimidating effect. Yet, these campaigns often conclude without significant impact—resulting in a few preliminary investigations, the detention of individuals from criminal backgrounds, and the occasional seizure of a marijuana cigarette.
We might say “Bravo to the police!” if these operations led to the arrest of the key players distributing money from the shady party funds within the ghettos. However, it typically happens that someone from the family vanishes with the cash through the back exit while the police are left pondering how to handle the unleashed dogs guarding their owners.
And when Roma individuals testify to journalists that the mayor of their municipality personally handed them 50 leva each to vote for his party, what then?
Charges Against the Mayor: A Continuing Cycle of Impunity
Charges may be brought against the mayor, but he is not removed from his position while the investigation is underway. Empowered by the full authority of the law, he continues to act as a local feudal lord, thereby creating opportunities to cover up all traces of his crimes. For instance, he may threaten Roma witnesses who testify against him in court, warning them that if they do not retract their statements, he will bring in bulldozers to demolish their houses in the illegal ghetto.
Alternatively, he might publicly assault a Roma who dares to confront him about why he only engages with their community during elections while disregarding their issues at other times. He could also cut off their water supply during the sweltering summer heat, with the help of the water utility, the prosecution, and the police, all while local health authorities, Roma organizations, and other NGOs dedicated to protecting their rights remain completely silent.
This scenario illustrates a troubling pattern of behavior that undermines justice and accountability, revealing the systemic issues within the political and law enforcement infrastructures.
When we sent an inquiry to the District Prosecutor’s Office in Stara Zagora regarding the status of the investigation against the mayor of Gurkovo for “vote buying,” they requested that we respond as quickly as possible and clarify which elections conducted so far were being referenced.
От което можем да направим извода, че въпросният кмет е разследван(ако вече производството му не е прекратено) за купуване на гласове не само на едни избори. Или поне така излиза.
Какво могат да направят ромите
в такива случаи, освен да изтеглят показанията си, дори при риск да бъдат обвинени в лъжесвидетелстване, да наведат глави пред кмета и да му се подчинят безпрекословно?
Какво би могъл да стори пребитият публично от кмета и неговия син ром, които се опитвали да изтръгнат езика му, защото много приказвал? За случая има и свидетели, и видеозаписи, но майката на унизения ром не спира да го кълне, че заради него могат да останат на улицата, ако съборят незаконната им къща. А останалите от гетото като виждат какво ги чака, си „подвиват опашките“ и скандират името на партията пред лидера й. А той им обещава някоя и друга благинка за изборите. И, разбира се, да защитава правата и свободите им, както досега.
Има ли българин, който да не знае
защо проблемът с незаконните ромски гета продължава да е актуален,
независимо, че бяха налети милиони по време на десетилетието на т.нар. „ромско включване“. Затова като чуят за „интеграция“, ромите започват да псуват или се хващат за кобура.
From this, we can conclude that the aforementioned mayor is under investigation (if the proceedings have not already been dismissed) for vote buying in connection to multiple elections, or at least it appears to be the case.
What can the Roma do in such situations, except withdraw their testimonies, even at the risk of being accused of perjury, bow their heads before the mayor, and submit unconditionally to him?
What could a Roma who was publicly beaten by the mayor and his son do, as they tried to silence him for speaking too much? There are witnesses and video recordings of the incident, yet the mother of the humiliated Roma continues to curse him, saying that because of him, they could end up on the streets if their illegal house is demolished. Meanwhile, others from the ghetto, seeing what awaits them, “tuck their tails” and chant the name of the party in front of its leader, who promises them a few benefits for the elections. And, of course, to defend their rights and freedoms as he has done in the past.
Is there any Bulgarian who does not know why the issue of illegal Roma ghettos continues to be relevant, despite millions being poured into the so-called “Roma inclusion” over the past decade? Therefore, when they hear about “integration,” the Roma either start cursing or reach for their holsters.
The Ongoing Issue of Illegal Roma Ghettos and Water Access
Illegal Roma ghettos and neighborhoods, established during the regime of Todor Zhivkov, continue to expand, and there is no accurate statistic on how many Roma live in legally constructed homes. This situation persists with the silent consent of the authorities—the same authorities that have, over 30 years, transformed the Roma into a compliant electorate. The threat of potential repression against them often has a stronger effect than the 20 or 50 leva offered for votes during elections. Despite the fact that judicial practice is not uniform when it comes to demolishing illegal homes of the Roma, especially when they have lived there for a long time and have established a social community, the disparity remains.
As a repressive measure, it has also been noted that the supply of water to the ghettos is often cut off, where faucets frequently run 24/7 because there are no water meters. Sometimes, with the assistance and funds provided by mayors, illegal water pipelines are constructed.
A few days ago, we submitted a question under the Access to Public Information Act to the director of the Regional Directorate of the Ministry of Interior in Stara Zagora regarding how many police stations in the area have recorded preliminary investigations for illegal connections to the water supply network. According to our information, there are seven such cases in the police station of Kazanlak alone.
This approach creates a conflict between the Roma minority, whom the state cannot deny access to water, and the majority population, which pays their bills, reported by water supply companies as losses in the network.
These are part of the serious problems that lie ahead for the next governments. If allowed to fester further, the Roma will continue to disintegrate and marginalize, and instances of conflict, culminating in violence—like the recent case in Kazanlak, which has captured media attention for days—will become increasingly frequent. And these conflicts will not be limited to the Roma community alone.
