The scandal at BNR is not unprecedented, but rather another episode among many in public media. The attempts to impose censorship, the dismissal of journalists, or their removal from the microphone—such as the recent case with Silvia Velikova—are all part of the radio’s history since 1989. The pressures exerted by various centers of power to control BNR are not a recent phenomenon.
Similar situations, even significantly worse, have occurred during the administrations of different political parties and various general directors of the radio.
Vyacheslav Tunev, the general director of BNR during Jean Videnov’s cabinet, dismissed seven out of 34 journalists from the “Horizon” program in 1995, who were initiators of a declaration against creeping censorship at the radio.
A second wave of dismissals occurred during the brief tenure of Ivan Borislavov as general director under the Kostov government, leading to an unprecedented staffing crisis, which resulted in the program being drained of its resources.
Journalists were also dismissed during the tenures of Valeri Todorov and Alexandar Velev.
The interruption of the “Horizon” signal for five hours can be called unprecedented, although there was a similar incident during the uprising against Ivan Borislavov when a program named “Hristo Botev” was aired on the frequencies of the information leader. I mention these historical facts about the radio because even colleagues within the industry may not remember them well, let alone those without direct ties to the media and the upheavals it has experienced during the transitional years.
What is happening now at the radio cannot be viewed outside the context of the unhealthy media environment and the increased attempts to silence critical voices. The removal of Silvia Velikova as the host and judicial reporter of “Horizon” in less than a day occurred just days before the selection of the chief prosecutor and on the eve of local elections in the country. This coincided with the suspension of the program from the air. Thus, the scandal resonates even more strongly in the public sphere and has been conveniently exploited by the opposition, particularly on the left, which has curiously claimed to champion freedom of speech. Meanwhile, Boyko Borisov perceived this act as sabotage against the government.
This deja vu echoes back to 1995, when the then-general director of BNR, Vyacheslav Tunev (an agent of the State Security), described the declaration by 34 journalists as a conspiracy against our national security.
The scandal at the radio has no chance of being resolved—neither by the prosecutor’s office, nor by the National Security Agency, nor by the special committee in the National Assembly, the creation of which was also backed by the prime minister.
We will also not learn the names of the four individuals who pressured and blackmailed the general director of BNR to deal with the journalist. Those who ordered the removal of Velikova will not expose themselves. Svetoslav Kostov, who in his recent role as a sports journalist and formal head of Radio Sofia has clearly not encountered similar situations before and has apparently panicked, will not name them either, as he resorted to a series of foolish actions.
Yes, these actions reflect helplessness, panic, and fear of losing a prestigious position with a high salary that a careerist like him does not deserve, nor has he even dreamed of or aspired to, given his lack of a professional background, authority, and competence.
However, none of this could have happened if he had not become a voluntary hostage to certain individuals and circles from the backstage, who evidently manipulate not just the judicial system. This occurs with the tacit consent of the legitimate authorities.
If he weren’t a puppet placed in the general director’s office at BNR to fulfill specific obligations (especially ahead of the selection of the chief prosecutor), Kostov would not have called his subordinate Silvia Velikova for a conversation in Borisova Gradina, nor would he have hidden behind the backs of his team members, whom he shamelessly used in this scandal.
On the contrary, he should have invited the four members of the Management Board of the radio and the Editorial Board of “Horizon” into his office on “Dragan Tsankov” and shared with them the pressure he is experiencing, even without naming those who are exerting it. He could have sought their moral support to jointly oppose the attempts to interfere with the staffing and editorial policies of the public media. He would have received not only their support but also the respect of the journalistic community within the radio.
Now, in this situation created by himself, Svetoslav Kostov has only one viable option—to resign, rather than take a long sick leave, for instance, and thus prolong the management agony within the media. And his own. Eventually, he would leave, thoroughly disgraced and devoid of any dignity.
This scandal has made the hidden evident.
If society previously had grounds to suspect that the appointments of general directors of public radio and television occurred with the blessing of the ruling powers, the curtain has now fallen. Although the spotlights are off, the audience glimpsed the shadow of the “Personnel Guy.” This shadow lurks behind the faces from the media regulator, who not only “chose” Kostov (as well as the previous directors) but are now waiting for a signal on how to erase the traces of this clientelist appointment, to quickly quell this scandal, and to escape with fewer liabilities from its public fallout. Whether someone will “cook” the radio chief (as he himself put it) is merely a matter of someone’s mood at a given moment.
Members of the Media Regulation Authority (CEM), which has turned into a parasitic and entirely redundant institution in recent years, must answer who pressured them to eliminate Aneta Milkova from the competition for the general director of the radio at the last minute, according to well-informed sources—she was a favorite for the position. They argued that she lacked sufficient experience in radio, despite the fact that with the same documentation she had been admitted by the technical commission of the regulator to participate in the competition for the head of BNR back in 2010. How is that possible?
In the latest episode of “Panorama” on BNT, political scientist Antoniy Todorov stated (paraphrasing) that if we truly believe in the existence of backroom dealings, it might be better to pull the plug and shut down the state.
Yes, the sense of this dependency can absolutely depress and discourage anyone. However, it can also mobilize a significant public resource against the parallel power. In the fight against it, free media and journalists are the strongest weapon. By shining a light on the hidden forces, they weaken their power. But in this battle, citizens must also participate. Actively. Without their energy, the struggle is doomed. A lost cause!
