The upcoming local elections in the Stara Zagora region, especially in the regional center and the two southern municipalities—Radnevo and Galabovo—will undoubtedly take place under the shadow of protests against the phased closure of the two state-owned enterprises in the East Maritsa basin—the Maritsa East Mine and Maritsa East 2 Power Plant.
As a result, mayoral candidates are competing with promises to preserve these facilities and the jobs associated with them. Populism has reached such levels that one candidate for mayor of Stara Zagora was spotted alongside a deputy from his party at the protest camp on the Trakia Highway during the early days of the blockade.
Another candidate continuously steered conversations away from any topic toward the future of the Maritsa East energy complex during a national television interview, framing it as a “vital” issue for all 140,000 residents of the Stara Zagora municipality.
However, there is little to no mention of one problem that truly affects all people in the region—the environmental issue. In the campaign, it is even rarely brought up or, at best, mentioned half-heartedly.
Who Is Joining the Race for Stara Zagora?
Despite complaints about the difficulties of managing a municipality, all incumbent mayors in the region are running again for the position, with the exception of Nikolai Kanev from Gurkovo, who withdrew from the race of his own accord.
The mayor of Stara Zagora, Zhivko Todorov, intended to step down after three terms and leave his controversial legacy to someone else, but it seems he has not succeeded. Back in winter, Boyko Borissov stated during one of his visits to the city that Zhivko Todorov would be GERB’s candidate in the local elections. However, employees of the administration claim that Todorov has long been managing the municipality remotely, spending most of his time in the capital. Whether he will have to serve another term “reluctantly,” especially in the complex context of the transition to decarbonization of the region’s industry, will be revealed on election day. One agency has already predicted a first-round victory for him, but this is by no means certain and seems only possible with very low voter turnout, which is typically the case in Stara Zagora during local elections.
It should not be underestimated that negative attitudes toward local authorities among the residents of Stara Zagora have sharply increased over the past year due to the ongoing water supply repairs, perpetually dug-up and closed streets, chaos in traffic organization, and heavily polluted air.
Whether the opponents of the incumbent mayor will be able to capitalize on this situation and the failures of the municipal authority depends on many factors, especially on whether they will reveal public facts about corruption and misuse of public resources from the budget and European programs.
The Index of the Local Integrity System in Bulgaria, published by the “Transparency Without Borders” Association for this year, indicates that “the most significant deficiencies in the work of Zhivko Todorov are related to transparency in the selection of external contractors for projects and activities of the municipality, oversight of public service providers/execution of contracts related to municipal projects, including public procurement, as well as accountability for the results achieved in these projects.”
Facing the GERB mayor are two of his rivals from previous local elections—Ivan Vurlyakov, nominated by BSP, and Dimitar Chorbajiev, the candidate from “We Continue the Change – Democratic Bulgaria.” Other candidates for the mayoral post include Iskra Mihailova, a deputy from “Revival,” Maria Dineva from the Agricultural People’s Union, who is currently the chair of the Municipal Council, and Tihomir Tenev from “There Is Such a People,” who is the regional coordinator of the party and a deputy in the 45th, 46th, and 47th National Assembly.
Todorov’s lead over the other candidates in the municipality is attributed not only to his accumulated experience over three terms but also to the fact that the opposition has not aggressively targeted the weaknesses and flaws in his administration, or at best, has done so timidly. Meanwhile, the managed local media have not served as a corrective to his governance because Todorov unilaterally determined the amounts paid under contracts for so-called “media partnerships” from the municipal budget.
The Arsenal of Kazanlak
Galina Stoyanova, the GERB mayor of Kazanlak, is also vying for a fourth term in competition with candidates from parliamentary parties (excluding DPS) and the “Left.” Anyone familiar with what happens in the corridors of local government in the city will tell you that no significant decision in the municipality can pass without the blessing of Nikolay Ibushchev, the executive director of “Arsenal” AD.
He and his son, Hristo Ibushchev, own and operate the largest military factories in Bulgaria. The father is also a municipal councilor from the group “Alternative for Citizens,” which he founded and which had 8 representatives in the current Municipal Council. In the week leading up to the runoff of the local elections in October 2011, the state sold its golden share to the majority owner of “Arsenal,” and Galina Stoyanova won the mayoral position in the second round.
Her success in the upcoming elections will likely once again depend on the corporate vote, assuming Nikolay Ibushchev has not chosen another favorite among Stoyanova’s opponents.
The Roma Decide in Gurkovo
Both the ruling and opposition parties in Gurkovo are calling for a change in the corrupt governance. They participate with lists for municipal councilors but do not nominate their own candidates for mayor, instead unofficially backing the candidacy of Kanchо Papazov, who is the primary opponent of the scandalously infamous mayor of the municipality, Mariyan Tsonev.
In this election, even DPS has distanced itself from Tsonev, on whose behalf he won the vote four years ago. This has forced Tsonev to enter the power struggle in the small sub-Balkan town under the banner of the local coalition “Citizens for the Municipality,” while DPS has nominated Kazanlak businessman Plamen Georgiev as its candidate, who is related to Gurkovo.
Mariyan Tsonev was investigated by the prosecutor’s office for vote-buying in previous elections without any charges being filed, as witnesses from the Roma neighborhoods in Gurkovo, who had testified against him in court, retracted their statements under obvious pressure. Tsonev conducted retaliatory actions against them, leaving them without water during the hottest summer months. People, including the acting mayor, who bought votes for DPS during election campaigns, have already confessed to the investigative authorities. However, it remains uncertain whether this will put an end to vote-buying schemes, considering the mentality and voting attitudes in the Roma neighborhoods.
Fear Wins in Pavel Banya
Isa Besoolu is also fighting for a second mayoral term in Pavel Banya, having turned the municipality into one of DPS’s strongholds.
Over the past decade, the resort area has seen the emergence of numerous expensive five-star spa hotels, some of whose owners have attempted illegal drilling for mineral water. Several pre-trial proceedings have been initiated by the District Prosecutor’s Office in Stara Zagora regarding the latest such case, as confirmed to “Za Istinata” by DANS, which participated in specialized operations at five hotels in the balneological resort.
In a small municipality, hardly anything can remain hidden from the mayor, so theft attempts involving mineral water likely did not occur without the knowledge of local authorities.
People in Pavel Banya are afraid to speak out about the feudal style of governance exhibited by Isa Besoolu.
And yet, some dare to reveal how payments are made for the issuance of ID cards to Roma so they can vote for the “correct candidate” in the upcoming elections, how the entire municipal fleet refuels at the three gas stations owned by companies linked to the mayor, and how a person who refused the “honor” of being included on the DPS list was threatened that his brother would not become the deputy director of a school, and so on and so forth.
Against the incumbent mayor stand two representatives of nationalist parties—Maxim Drenchev, the candidate from “Revival,” and Nikolay Markov, nominated by VMRO-Bulgarsko Natsionalno Dvizhenie (“Conservative Bulgaria Party”). Whether Besoolu can be defeated, given all the power resources at his disposal, will be revealed by the election results. If the law is followed, there are chances, albeit slim; without fair play, however, it will be a mission impossible.
Galabovo – A Small but Rich Municipality
Nikolay Tonev, the mayor of Galabovo, is the longest-serving mayor in the Stara Zagora region and is now entering the race for the sixth time, nominated by the BSDP.
In 2015, he was the candidate for the Bulgarian Democratic Center (BDC), and in 2019, he ran as part of a local coalition between “Bulgarian Social Democrats” and “Bulgarian Democratic Center.”
The support from Ahmed Dogan and his close associate businessman Hristo Kovachki evidently does not unsettle Tonev, who is preparing to begin his 21st year at the helm of local government in a small but wealthy municipality, home to power plants in the East Maritsa basin.
Those wishing to challenge the mayor of Galabovo in local elections have always been few, and this year there is only one opponent—Georgi Mihailov, nominated by “VMRO-Bulgarsko Natsionalno Dvizhenie.” The situation is similarly static in other municipalities where mayors are from DPS.
The protests by workers from the Maritsa East Mine and Maritsa East 2 Power Plant coincidentally began with the start of the election campaign, completely capturing media attention.
With police and gendarmerie engaged in securing the protests, they now have little time for impressive actions in the Roma neighborhoods, where vote-buying likely continues without disturbance. This suits candidates who are “competing” for citizens’ votes on the edge of legality or directly breaking the law.
