Zhivko Todorov has been managing Stara Zagora for 12 years – a complete cycle in a human life. He took office as mayor at just 33 years old and matured in the role. Over these three terms, he must have learned many lessons, but only he knows if that is true. Even after the first eight years in the city of linden trees, rumors began that the mayor was not planning to run for a third term. However, when party pressure ultimately prevailed, and he won the elections in 2019, people from his administration began to whisper that Todorov was mainly managing the municipality remotely, preferring to spend more time in the capital than in Stara Zagora.
The question is, why, despite public statements that this term would be his last, is he once again entering the mayoral race? The simplest answer is that, seven months ago, the guru of GERB declared “wow” in Stara Zagora about one of his favorite mayors in the country.
The residents of Stara Zagora, like other Bulgarians, who have opinions on everything – from sports to politics, are also speculating on why Todorov couldn’t refuse Borisov. Some, perhaps those who are deemed to be in the know about the secret machinations of GERB, claim that the mayor of Stara Zagora is negotiating for a spot on the party’s list for the upcoming European Parliament elections. Others suspect that he’s not finding any parachute to land another advantageous position in the public sector. There’s even a theory suggesting that Zhivko Todorov, who has already ventured into the middle of his life, has a family nest in the capital that he keeps hidden from public view. However, the most logical explanation seems to be that the mayor simply wants someone else to “eat the porridge” that he and his team have prepared over these three terms.
The more serious question is whom and what the Stara Zagora mayor will rely on to win another term?
Of course, first and foremost, on the media, with which Zhivko Todorov has contracts for informational services, even with completely marginal outlets that have no influence on public opinion.
The amounts for each media outlet are personally determined by the mayor, and the funds come from the municipal budget. Specifically for the elections, there will likely be additional bonuses, but whether these will come from the shadow party fund or companies close to the authorities is unknown. However, it is undeniable that even before the actual election campaign has started, it is clear who among all the mayoral candidates will have the most substantial media presence. It is also clear that if any of Todorov’s competitors want more time and space in the media, they will have to pay for it, either with their own resources or with funds from obliging businessmen, turning them into their hostages.
Secondly, there is the reliance on party and corporate voting.
Thirdly, support comes from the administration and leadership within municipal and state structures, who are concerned that a change at the top of local government might cause disruptions further down.
Fourthly, there is a substantial portion of the population that uncritically supports their mayor and genuinely likes him, both emotionally and mentally. These are people who overlook the flaws in the execution of major multimillion-dollar projects such as the renovations of “Metodi Kusev” Park, the central square and Tsar Simeon Veliki Street, the summer theater and zoo, the so-called Russian market, and the station garden, among others. Even when presented with facts about poor execution, the squandering, and misappropriation of public funds, they respond on social media with comments like “are you complaining again?”
The “Achilles’ heel” of Zhivko Todorov’s administration is the ongoing water and sewer system renovation in Stara Zagora, which has been dragging on for a year. It has tested the patience of the citizens, who have to endure constant street digging, repeated asphalt laying, dusty air, poor traffic management, and more. Yet, in this scenario, the mayor tries to distance himself by arguing that the municipality is not responsible for the renovations, even though there are obligations it is failing to meet.
The mayor announced his intention for a fourth term to the citizens from the stage of the new summer theater in Ayazmoto Park. He shared his dream of transforming Stara Zagora into a modern, orderly city with good infrastructure, safety, and opportunities for young people.
However, after 12 years leading the municipality, Zhivko Todorov should have already turned this dream into reality. Now it might be too late.
In one of his pre-election interviews, the mayor emphasized the basic truth that people do not want to be deceived. If he were sincere, instead of engaging in populism, Todorov should tell them about the schemes within city management, nepotism in hiring and appointments, the destruction of the city’s green systems, the methods used in tenders and public procurements, misuse of public funds, and more.
But he probably won’t.
Nor is he likely to explain why his declaration to the Commission for Counteracting Corruption and Forfeiture of Illegally Acquired Property for 2022 lists only 39,197 BGN in salary, which is almost insulting for a person of his age—with no real estate, vehicle, even a scooter, no deposits, and not even a single loan. Compared to him, the deputy mayors and the chairperson of the Municipal Council appear exceptionally wealthy.
Of course, the campaign is just beginning, and the media could raise these and many other uncomfortable questions.
They could, but they probably won’t.
