The government of Kiril Petkov fell not due to its poor financial and economic policies, but because this ruling coalition was doomed from the moment of its formation.
On crucial issues, such as sending military aid to Ukraine, there was not just a divergence but a chasm between the parties. However, the cabinet was toppled before it could present the French proposal for lifting Bulgaria’s veto on the start of EU accession talks with North Macedonia and Albania for discussion in the National Assembly.
It was clear even before the EU-Western Balkans leaders’ meeting in Brussels that the opposition in Skopje would not accept this proposal, as it only provided them with grounds to demand early elections. On Thursday, it was officially rejected by the Prime Minister of the country, Dimitar Kovachevski, due to historically unacceptable elements of the negotiation framework related to the Macedonian language and identity, which are not acceptable to all institutions and political parties in North Macedonia.
What necessitated this rush?
Why did Kiril Petkov’s government need to be toppled at a time when both voters and parties in our country claim they do not want early elections?
A partial answer to this question can be found in the statement made by Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama to BNT in Brussels during the leaders’ meeting, where he described the Bulgarian position as chaos and disgrace: “It is shameful for a NATO member to hold two other NATO countries hostage while a hot war is raging in Europe’s backyard.”
Although Rama’s words sounded provocative and insulting towards the Bulgarian state, there is some basis for the Albanian prime minister’s angry outburst. North Macedonia and Albania have entered the agenda of Europe and the U.S. because their leaders clearly recognize that the stability of the region can only be ensured if the negotiation process with both countries is initiated. It is hardly debatable that these are the most appropriate geopolitical decisions in the current difficult moment for the world, as President Putin is poised to expand military actions beyond Ukraine. Obsessed with the manic idea that he has a historical mission, he is prepared to dismantle the current structure of Europe to restore the borders of Tsarist Russia, even while publicly denying his imperial fantasies.
The European Integration of the Western Balkans and Russia’s Influence in Serbia
The European integration of the Western Balkans and maintaining Russian influence solely in Serbia is not part of the plans of the Russian president. As an experienced KGB operative, Putin clearly understood that the only way to sabotage this process was to bring down the government of Kiril Petkov and to organize fierce resistance among Bulgarian and Macedonian nationalists against President Macron’s proposal. He and his advisors in the Kremlin aimed to turn the continuous postponement of the negotiation process into an agony, which would fuel and generate new and even stronger anti-Bulgarian and anti-European sentiments. The ruling officials in Skopje would become exhausted and demotivated in their efforts to persuade the public of the bright prospects promised by EU membership, especially if it did not happen within their mandate.
Thankfully, Russia’s attempts to derail this process have failed. Thanks to the efforts of European leaders, united in their stance for the expansion of the Western Balkans, four parties in the National Assembly voted in favor of the French proposal, which guarantees Bulgarian national interests and gives the green light for the start of negotiations with North Macedonia. The change in GERB’s position evidently came after pressure was exerted on Boyko Borisov by European leaders, whom he refers to as friends, although they likely did not approach him in a friendly manner during the remaining days until the end of the French presidency.
In a shameful press conference for the GERB elite, their leader announced that he would cast the votes of his entire parliamentary group for the European future of the Western Balkans. However, this was done from a humiliating position, rather than from the role he had preferred during Bulgaria’s EU presidency regarding its expansion.
DPS Plays Its Cards According to the Shuffle in the Palaces
The Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS), which places a strong emphasis on its European and liberal identity, has once again played its cards according to the shuffle arranged in the palaces. Ahmed Dogan’s party not only supported the French proposal but, like GERB, introduced its own draft resolution in parliament. Ultimately, both parties voted in favor of the proposal from “Democratic Bulgaria.” Mustafa Karadayi even traveled to Brussels for the summit meeting to reaffirm the sustainable position of DPS before Macron and his colleagues from the European Council. This occurred just days after participating in the removal of Prime Minister Kiril Petkov—the third in the history of Bulgaria’s transition, following Filip Dimitrov and Ivan Kostov, who declared war on the mafia and the shadows. The shadows laughed in the dark and brought him down—following the same script, with the same means and methods used to oust Filip Dimitrov’s government in 1992.
Then, as now, Macedonia is one of the reasons for the ousting of the two pro-Western prime ministers. Thirty years ago, during the rule of the blue government and the presidency of Zhelyu Zhelev, Bulgaria was the first in the world to recognize the then-Republic of Macedonia and three other former Yugoslav republics. After that, the process of rapprochement between the two countries and their peoples was interrupted for a long time, and propaganda beyond the Vardar continued to fuel anti-Bulgarian sentiments and attitudes.
Both then and now, Filip Dimitrov and Kiril Petkov have touched economic interests—thirty years ago, it was the nascent mafia, and today it is “Gazprom,” that is, the Kremlin, and consequently the oligarchy in Bulgaria. The scenario for their removal was executed by DPS, the party of Ahmed Dogan, which was conceived in sin between part of the communist elite in our country and in Russia, as well as their secret services at the beginning of the transition. At that time, this sin was kept secret, and only a few knew that Dogan was an agent of the State Security, groomed for years for the role assigned to him.
At the core of both conspiracies is the philosopher from the palaces; his party ensured success with its votes in parliament while leaving the dirty work to others—back in 1992 to the so-called “blue ants,” and now to Slavi Trifonov and his scriptwriters, who were activated remotely like time bombs.
These historical facts should be recalled, as several recent generations in our country are likely unaware of them, at least the majority of them. They provide an important context for events—those from thirty years ago that diverted the path of our country for decades and forced hundreds of thousands of Bulgarians to leave. The current events pursue the same goal, but it is unlikely they will achieve it.
