The former Mayor of Gurkovo Municipality, Marian Tsonev, and his son Georgi have filed separate defamation complaints against Stoicho Stoikov (nicknamed “The Yogi”), a businessman from the small Sub-Balkan town. The Kazanlak District Court initially returned the complaints several times due to procedural irregularities under the Criminal Procedure Code but eventually initiated legal proceedings. The first hearing, based on Georgi Tsonev’s complaint, is scheduled for December 6.
The complaints stem from an article and video published on April 12 by “For the Truth,” in which Stoikov, allegedly involved in vote-buying schemes, revealed details of election fraud reportedly orchestrated by the Mayor of Gurkovo and his son. About ten days later, Stoikov shared the same information during an interview on the TV program “Honestly Speaking” on Eurocom.
What Do The Tsonevs Claim In Their Complaints?
Marian Tsonev alleges that Stoikov’s claims during the interview—stating that he threatened Roma residents with demolishing their houses and cutting off water supplies in their neighborhood to make them withdraw police testimony against him—amount to defamation. He also disputes Stoikov’s statement that he and his son led him to believe businessman Kolyo Atanasov, one of the region’s largest employers, had paid to have Stoikov shot. The shooting occurred on October 1 last year in Stoikov’s restaurant near the Hainboaz Pass, a day before the presidential and parliamentary elections. Tsonev further denies Stoikov’s claim that, as mayor, he maintained his own armed security detail.
Georgi Tsonev also denies insinuating to Stoichkov “who shot him, ordered the attack, or paid for it.” He further rejects claims of meeting in April 2021 near the bridge to the village of Vetren with Shendoan Halit (a former MP from the Movement for Rights and Freedoms in the 42nd National Assembly, ex-chair of the Pavel Banya Municipal Council, and current Deputy Mayor of the municipality). According to Stoichkov, Halit allegedly handed Georgi Tsonev approximately 50,000 BGN in a medicine box for election purposes.
The Tsonevs—father and son—request the court to consider civil claims alongside their private criminal complaints against Stoicho Stoichev. Together with their attorney, Petar Hristov from the Stara Zagora Bar Association, they have calculated the claims at a total of 90,000 BGN. Marian Tsonev is seeking 50,000 BGN, while Georgi Tsonev is demanding 40,000 BGN.
The motives behind the complaints filed by father and son are nearly identical:
According to Stoichkov’s claims, they felt “humiliated, with wounded honor and dignity, experiencing distress and prolonged insomnia.” Marian Tsonev reportedly began using sedatives due to a persistent fear that people might confront him about the publication whenever he went out.
Valentin Dimitrov, Stoichkov’s lawyer, described as “exceptionally brutal” the court’s decision during a closed session to gather evidence in favor of one party—especially since such evidence had not been requested by either side. He argued that initiating this process on the court’s part violates the principles of adversarial proceedings and the equality of the parties. Judge Delyan Iliev, from the Criminal Division of the Kazanlak District Court, allegedly acted as an expert by independently locating the publication, effectively taking on the role of the private complainant and transforming from an arbiter into another prosecutor, Dimitrov claims.
The most glaring issue, according to Dimitrov, is that the judge assigned the task of downloading the video to the court administrator, who lacks expertise, and was informed that Stoichkov’s video was hosted on YouTube. As an independent arbiter, Dimitrov argued, the judge is obligated to focus solely on the facts presented in the complaint, as they define the scope of evidence.
Background:
Marian Tsonev became mayor of the municipality in 2019 as a candidate from the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS). He won the election in a second-round runoff by a margin of just 16 votes over Ivan Slavov Ivanov, his opponent from GERB.
Residents of one of the Roma neighborhoods in Gurkovo alleged in a video interview with “Za Istinata” that before the parliamentary elections in April 2021, the mayor personally distributed 50 BGN to each person in the community in exchange for their votes. He also allegedly promised to legalize their houses once he assumed office. Instead, according to one Roma woman in the recording, Tsonev purchased the land on which the illegal settlement was built during an auction where he was the sole participant and transferred ownership to his son and daughter-in-law. If true, it would mean that the Roma residents are now living on land owned by the Tsonev family.
Days before the snap parliamentary elections in July 2021, the Mayor of Gurkovo Municipality, Marian Tsonev, was charged by the Sofia City Prosecutor’s Office with vote-buying. According to sources from Za Istinata, witness testimonies from individuals with concealed identities implicated members of the central and regional leadership of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) as participants in the vote-buying schemes. However, instead of being removed from office to avoid interfering with the investigation and the integrity of the electoral process, Tsonev was allowed to continue performing his duties.
This gave him the opportunity to retaliate against Roma individuals who refused to vote under pressure or for payment. In a show of force, Tsonev and his son allegedly beat Rasho Manev, a member of a prominent Roma family in the neighborhood, in front of their house. The attack reportedly occurred in the presence of police officers and the mayor’s armed security, who silently watched the attempted murder without intervening.
In response to the defiance of the Roma community, within 24 hours, the mayor reportedly mobilized the prosecutor’s office, the police, and the Stara Zagora water utility company. The following morning, the neighborhood found itself under police blockade with a destroyed water supply system, leaving residents without water during the summer heat and the COVID pandemic.
Despite Za Istinata filing a report with the director of the Regional Health Inspectorate (RHI) in Stara Zagora, the health authorities took no action, leaving hundreds of Roma residents and the entire town of Gurkovo at risk of a potential epidemic.
In addition to cutting off the water supply, the mayor “disciplined” the Roma community with threats to send in excavators to demolish their illegal homes.
A month after Marian Tsonev lost the elections and ceased to be mayor, it emerged that a key witness to the vote-buying schemes and fraud in Gurkovo was being threatened with legal action. In an effort to determine who is telling the truth, Za Istinata decided to speak with residents of the Roma neighborhood and individuals who were recently among the former mayor’s closest allies.
The Roma community claims they continue to live in fear of retaliation. They described the operation to cut off their water supply and the police and gendarmerie blockade of the neighborhood, which included the use of dogs. Residents also reported seeing notices posted by the municipality about the impending demolition of certain houses in the area. They confirmed that the former mayor and his son frequently moved around Gurkovo accompanied by armed security guards, leaving people in a constant state of fear and anticipation of further repression.
One of the Roma individuals who agreed to speak with Za Istinata turned out to be the brother of the beaten Rashko Manev. He recounted how he pulled Georgi Tsonev’s hand away as he tried to tear his brother’s tongue out. While the men spoke, two of their wives watched with frightened eyes through the window of the room.
The conversation with Dimitar Stoilov (nicknamed Chakmaka), his son Venelin, and Ivan Govedarski was easier. Dimitar Stoilov, known from a film by Valya Ahchieva, where he was shown with his notebook in which he recorded the names of people who received money to vote for a particular party, shared how he was drawn into Tsonevi’s criminal group for election fraud and schemes.
He confirmed that he had distributed sums of money to people who were supposed to deliver them to addresses in the municipality and the ghettos. Chakmaka also shared how he was deceived by Marian Tsonev, who transferred three of his companies to him in exchange for promises of dividends, but instead, he was left with debts of over 100,000 BGN to the National Revenue Agency (NAP).
One of these companies was a fictitious one, which had been given a municipal parking lot for trucks. Five candidates had participated in the auction, with this company winning with the highest, yet unaffordable, price based on turnover. However, it turned out that the company had not paid anything to the municipality and had been transferred to Dimitar Stoilov. The second company, “Intriga 001” Ltd., managed a restaurant and hotel, and the third was a pawn shop. After the elections, Chakmaka received a call from an advertising company that worked with the Tsonevs, threatening him with a lawsuit. They explained that the contract had been signed by a woman, who Dimitar Stoilov believes was likely Silvia Tsoneva, the mayor’s daughter-in-law.
Chakmaka shared details about the schemes and frauds of Tsonevi – father and son – and their attempts to provoke businessman Kolyo Atanasov through Venelin (Chakmaka’s son, a martial artist) and others, to create conflicts and fights, which could escalate into violence.
The most interesting part of this long story is that the prosecutor’s office has not initiated proceedings despite numerous publications in Za Istinata and other media revealing how Marian Tsonev “managed” the municipality, in whose name, and by what methods and means.
It is also noteworthy that the investigators have not revealed who ordered the murder of Stoycho Stoykov and who shot him in the back from the mountain.
However, tomorrow (December 6th, this year), Stoykov will stand in the dock, accused by the Tsonevs – father and son, both of whom have a suspended sentence for extortion, received in 2007. Will the court recognize the mark of mafiosos, or will it convict a person who dared to expose the truth about crimes he witnessed?
