On the 100th day of the war in Ukraine, the Sofia Municipality organized an event in memory of the victims of Russian aggression. Initiated by Deputy Mayor Miroslav Borshosh, a 100-meter blue fabric was stretched across Slaveykov Square, where citizens could leave yellow flowers.
Every such event serves a purpose, and this one was no different; at the very least, it made headlines, reached ambassadors, and through television exchanges, went even further. However, such symbolic gestures cannot erase the memories of the axes buried in the cars of refugees, the thefts along the coast, the malicious comments from pro-Kremlin politicians, and the torrents of abuse directed at Ukrainian refugees on social media.
Lyuba Marinova, a volunteer from Stara Zagora and moderator of an 80,000-member social media group supporting people from Ukraine, posted an angry comment on June 3 against the local authorities’ policies in Stara Zagora. According to her, for nearly 15 days, non-governmental organizations in Stara Zagora, such as “Mission Wings,” “Samarians,” and the Public Donor Fund, were unable to schedule a meeting with representatives of the regional and municipal administrations to develop a joint action plan in case larger groups of Ukrainian refugees arrived from the Black Sea to the interior of the country.
The authorities never convened with the NGOs because no one was rushing to come to Stara Zagora, with officials commenting that those who did come ended up leaving.
On June 1, a group of 80 Ukrainians, half of them children, arrived in Stara Zagora. The same administration did not even find it necessary to inform volunteers and NGOs about the accommodation of the Ukrainians at the “Maritsa East” holiday station located in the Starozagorski Mineral Baths resort.
For the officials, it was sufficient that they had provided shelter to the people without first conducting a needs assessment. This was done by the volunteers, who secured medications for the individuals. They also assisted in translating for the confused receptionist at the station, who couldn’t understand a word of the Ukrainians’ questions. They wanted to know if there was a pharmacy in the resort, where they could find work—even the lowest-skilled jobs—to support their children, and how to get to the city, which is 14 km away, especially since they could not afford even the bus fare. The municipal councilors voted to allow the refugees to travel for free, but only within the city; they now need to resubmit the proposal at the next session.
What is a pregnant Ukrainian woman supposed to do if she needs a specialized examination but lacks a general practitioner to refer her to a gynecologist? She is not alone in lacking access to outpatient healthcare.
While the state is said to cover these individuals’ health insurance, they do not appear as insured in the system, leading doctors in the city to refuse them treatment.
“With the exception of one or two dedicated general practitioners,” comments Lyuba Marinova, “they cannot accommodate everyone in their practices.” Without the support of non-governmental organizations, a handful of volunteers, and donors, who else is there to help the refugees?
The crisis center in the municipality operates during administrative hours—from 9 AM to 5:30 PM. Outside of these hours, it is up to individuals to fend for themselves. I try to understand from Mihaela Johnson what assistance the center provides for Ukrainians seeking refuge here. She explains in detail how they register people, guide them to the police and the Regional Health Inspectorate, assist with information about placing their children in kindergartens and schools, how to look for work at the Employment Agency, or how to enroll in Bulgarian language courses. According to her, about 300 Ukrainian refugees have settled in Stara Zagora over these past hundred days since the start of the war, but she has no precise information about their exact number. From her words, everything seems perfect and easy, with the refugees well cared for, but the reality is different, and
many Ukrainians prefer to return to their homeland, where the war continues, rather than stay here.
In her post, Lyuba Marinova recounts how she tried to accommodate a Ukrainian woman with two children, one of whom was a baby that had tragically passed away in Bulgaria just days earlier. However, she decided against it after meeting with officials who asked absurd questions. They inquired whether the woman had any financial means, as many Ukrainians arriving here had large sums of money but were concealing them. They also questioned whether the mother was inclined to start working, implying that she could not stay indefinitely in municipal housing. Such questions reflected a lack of concern for the woman’s state, who was still in shock from the loss of her baby.
For Lyuba, “Stara Zagora is the city with the strongest NGOs that will solve the world’s problems, even the unsolvable ones. Today, Diana Dimova (executive director of the ‘Mission Wings’ Foundation—editor’s note), who spent all day in Elhovo putting out fires, will bring medications from ‘Friends of Refugees in Stara Zagora’, and we will conduct a full analysis of the situation. The regional governor will visit the girls, and I hope they will receive adequate answers to their questions, and most importantly, that they will be able to return home soon.”
However, in addition to Ukrainians, individuals fleeing military conflicts from other countries around the world are also seeking refuge in Bulgaria. For them, the authorities and the media are almost silent. But with the beginning of the summer season, the pressure of refugees is increasing,
and there have been reports of mistreated and injured individuals at the border, of people beaten with sticks, and bitten by police dogs.
From the non-governmental sector, they have interviewed victims who are currently in Edirne, documenting their stories and, together with the “Center for Legal Aid – Voice in Bulgaria” and their partner organization, the “Mission Wings” Foundation, they are beginning criminal proceedings against unknown perpetrators.
In an interview with “Za Istinata” (“For the Truth,”) attorney Diana Radoslavova and Diana Dimova shared that they already have over 150 reports of the violent pushing back of refugees, even from within the country. For example, Syrians seeking refuge at the center in “Vrazhdebna” were taken by police car from Sofia to our southern border and forcibly transferred to Turkey. These actions violate the law, which requires that any refugee entering our territory—regardless of where they are from or whether they have documents—be referred to the State Agency for Refugees.
In cases where these individuals seek protection, they are exempted from criminal liability for violating our border-migration regime. Meanwhile, anyone who denies them access bears administrative responsibility and may face criminal charges if they use violence, rob, or harm refugees, commented attorney Radoslavova. In mid-June, both partner organizations will present these cases at a special forum in the capital, and they have informed international organizations, including UNICEF.
“These people will leave sooner or later, while we will remain in our pen,” Lyuba Marinova said to me, disgusted by the institutional attitude towards refugees. But within these institutions, there are Bulgarians, including those with the mentality of the loud voices on social media and at rallies organized by fascist-like organizations against every foreigner who has come to take our bread, regardless of their skin color, the religion they profess, or the language they speak.
The pandemic, wars, and refugees have become a litmus test for the state of institutions and civil society in Bulgaria. They have revealed both the best and the worst of our national character. Therefore, instead of presenting ourselves to the world as a compassionate and empathetic nation, isn’t it better to ask why no refugees want to stay in our country? And to look at ourselves in the mirror—first and foremost, our statesmen and politicians.
